kougademocrat

To secure a prosperous future for South Africa, the South African public needs to understand that the ANC as a whole is disastrous for this country. The notion that the “good ANC” of Ramaphosa and his reform slate will save South Africa from the “bad ANC” of Magashule, Mabuza, Zuma and the various looters of our state is misguided.

Since taking over from President Zuma a year and a half ago, President Ramaphosa has benefitted from, and at times peddled, this myth. It has largely succeeded in absolving him from wrongdoing and placing him beyond reproach in the eyes of the South African public when what we should be doing is holding him to account.

Superficially, this myth of two ANCs seems plausible and is perhaps entrenched by certain policy disagreements, such as the issue of the Reserve Bank.

But there is in fact only one ANC in which Cyril Ramaphosa has been a central player since long before he became its president at Nasrec. He sat on the ANC’s Top 6 under Jacob Zuma – the same structure he continues to serve in today. He was part of every decision, good or bad, taken by this structure and it is inconceivable that he was either unaware, or sat passively, as key issues were discussed and implemented.

For example, in KZN back in 2011, the ANC succeeded in strengthening their position and weakening the IFP by rewarding Zanele kaMagwaza-Msibi with a deputy cabinet post for splitting from the IFP to form the National Freedom Party. It seems the same tactic has been applied in the Western Cape, except this time the reward was a full cabinet post.

Another example is the list of compromised Parliamentary Portfolio Committee Chairs announced last month which, according to the myth, Ramaphosa either didn’t know about, or had foisted upon him by the “bad ANC” faction. This is simply not true. Ramaphosa cannot have been oblivious to these appointments, as though he had just jetted in yesterday from a distant planet with smart cities and bullet trains.

Ironically, Ramaphosa is the one now preaching ANC unity, while the media commentators persist with the “two ANCs” message on his behalf. It is a dangerous, ahistorical fiction that fails to recognise the political power of the collective in the ANC.

A related myth is that Ramaphosa needs protection from his enemies within the party. This myth is spread by those who called for a “stronger mandate” for Ramaphosa ahead of the elections.

But as they are now fast discovering, it is impossible to give such a mandate to him alone. The effect of this myth has been to destroy accountability and absolve the ANC of its wrongdoings.

Here is a president who received half a million rand from corrupt Bosasa, who got caught out and misled Parliament, and who then had to change his response, even though there is no legal process in Parliament for changing a response. These are facts, but they are easily ignored by those who believe he is simply a victim of a conspiracy by the bad guys – a victim who now needs our protection.

These myths play beautifully into the hands of the president. Because while this is the dominant narrative, he can do no wrong. And if he appears to do wrong, then it must have been the actions of the forces of evil from whom he needs our protection. The President of the Republic of South Africa has extraordinary and excessive constitutional powers. He doesn’t need protection. He needs to be held to a high standard, and he needs to be accountable for his actions. Canonising him in a myth of good vs evil is a dangerous game for our democracy.

The ANC as a whole, with its vision of a National Democratic Revolution in which the state controls the economy, is destroying South Africa. Buying into a myth which removes accountability and keeps the ANC in power is investing in SA’s demise.

Warm regards,

To say that DA Leader Mmusi Maimane is hardworking and devoted to our beautiful country, would be an understatement. Read the exclusive interview with Mmusi below.

ChangeMaker (CM): You have said before that you are not a career politician but that you were called into politics by God. How does your faith influence your approach to leading the DA?

Mmusi Maimane (MM): My faith brought me to this point in my life and sustains me personally in my daily work leading an organisation like the DA. My faith is my daily bread and butter.

CM: Are your two small children used to seeing their dad on TV?

MM: During election time it is not just the TV – it’s radio, it’s billboards, and it’s placards on lampposts. But yes, it’s not something I ever imagined having to navigate through as a family. I must say the toughest part about my job is spending so much time apart from my children.

“My faith is my daily bread and butter.”

 

CM: You speak seven languages. What would you say is your mother tongue?

MM: My mother is from Cofimvaba in the Eastern Cape and speaks isiXhosa, and my father is from the old Bophuthatswana in the North West and speaks Setswana. And so, growing up I spoke both Setswana and isiXhosa at home, while being taught in English at both primary and high school. Therefore, I wouldn’t say I have a mother tongue – I have three!

CM: Do you think South Africans should be taught in the language of their choice, wherever possible?

MM: We support the constitutional principle that every person has the right to be taught in the official language of their choice, where reasonably practicable. In line with this, we believe that more, and not less, official languages should be used as mediums of instruction and that all official languages should be developed for use as academic languages of instruction.

CM: Voters seem to have a lot of questions about the DA’s stance on ‘land expropriation without compensation’. Does the DA support expropriation without compensation?

MM: Land is a justice issue and there is a false dichotomy out there that suggests if you oppose expropriation without compensation you are opposed to righting the wrongs of the past. Section 25 of the Constitution protects private property rights as well as making provision for the restitution and reform of land. We support this constitutional provision and are fighting on that front. We envision a South Africa in which every person can own property, and that the circumstances of their birth is no impediment to them acquiring and accumulating wealth-creating assets. But the current government and fringe political parties must not use the Constitution as a scapegoat for their failure to secure effective land reform.

“Voting for smaller parties right now is tantamount to rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic.”

DA Leader Mmusi Maimane

CM: Many look to the governments in Jozi and Tshwane and say that the DA and the EFF “are in bed together”. Is the DA in coalition with the EFF?

MM: The voters in Johannesburg and Tshwane rejected the ANC in 2016, as they failed to get a majority of votes. Therefore, the DA took over with the voting support of the EFF. We are not in coalition with the EFF, as we differ fundamentally on several core principles. The EFF remains in opposition in both Johannesburg and Tshwane. We are working hard to turn those cities around following two decades of looting and under-delivery of services.

CM: The build-up to this election has, increasingly, been characterised by identity politics. Why is the DA’s project of bringing South Africans together – across racial, religious and cultural lines – so important for the future of South Africa?

MM: Our country has a history of identity politics – from British Nationalism to Afrikaner Nationalism to African Nationalism. It’s all we’ve ever known. We are forging a new vision for South Africa by building a broad centre that can be a political home for all South Africans, no matter their age, income, gender, sexual orientation, religion or racial identity. In this South Africa, we are brought together by shared values, and this us at the core of our message of One South Africa for All. It is the only option for our country.

CM: Why is a vote for a smaller party a waste?

MM: The true test for any democracy is whether power can change peacefully at the ballot box. The challenge for South Africa is to fast arrive at this point, where the governing party is kept on their toes by the ever-present threat of losing power.

We cannot allow our country to fall prey to the entrenched single-party hegemony that continues to plague the African continent. The very founding values of our democracy are at stake. If we cannot hold rank failure and corruption to account, then can we really call ourselves a democracy at all? So, we urgently need to build a strong counterweight to the ANC, to show that another way is possible.

Voting for smaller parties right now is tantamount to rearranging deck chairs on the Titanic. Smaller parties will not stop our demise under the ANC and blur our focus on the biggest threat to our democracy: one-party dominance.

Under normal circumstances, the plethora of parties – 48 on the national ballot paper alone – should be welcomed as a sign of a vibrant democracy replete with plentiful options for voters to express their individual preferences.

But this is not a business-as-usual election; this is a fight for our survival.

So 8 May must be about building a credible alternative government, not about creating a wide-sprinkling of opposition parties on the fringe of our politics.

They say numbers speak louder than words. This is certainly true of Finance Minister Malusi Gigaba’s mid-term budget speech this week.

The numbers were practically screaming, telling us we’re fast running out of money. And our rand responded accordingly, dropping about 3% against the dollar.

Our national financial situation is bleak and the outlook bleaker still – unless we make some bold, brave changes.

Debt service costs have been our fastest growing item of spending, and will be 15% of our budget within three years, meaning for every R1 we have to spend, the first 15c will go to paying off debt.

As confidence in our economy continues to fall, it will cost more and more to service debt, leaving less and less to spend on digging ourselves out of an ever-deepening hole.

Almost half of all spending by government is on wages and interest. This is extremely unproductive and unsustainable.

It’s one thing to borrow to invest in things which could create growth and jobs for the future, such as a top quality education system or enabling infrastructure. Quite another to borrow money to fund a bloated, inept, patronage-driven state.

We have to stabilize and sell off non-strategic, loss-making SOEs such as SAA and improve efficiency at the rest, by employing fit for purpose managers and directors and holding them to account.

We need to reject outright any further investment in nuclear, split Eskom into separate power production and distribution entities, and promote independent, decentralized power production from a diversity of sources.

We need to invest in quality education and training, and we have to build a system and culture of on-the-job skilling through apprenticeships, internships and national service.

We need to relentlessly promote small businesses and make it easier for entrepreneurs to access credit and support. They need a more flexible labour market that enables rather than deters job creation.

We must bring data costs down.

We need land reform that gives real ownership in the form of title deeds, rather than uncertain tenancy.

We need stable, coherent mining policies that are rooted in real-world considerations such as the need to be globally competitive.

Once the economy is growing and investment is coming back in, we can reduce the tax burden on the middle class that has been so overburdened recently, and who are really struggling to make ends meet. This will improve revenue collection and further boost growth.

We need all these things and more. But if there is one silver bullet, it is to eject the moribund ANC and give South Africa a new beginning.

There is simply no other way to restore hope for our children’s future.

Regards

Mmusi Maimane